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This paper employs gender as a strategic variable in examining the effects of Spanish colonization on the lives of the Timucuan peoples of Northeastern Florida. The ethnohistoric and archaeological evidence are drawn together to provide an outline of Timucuan lifeways: the subsistence system, systems of social organization, and the organization of production are examined. This outline provides the foundation for highlighting the changes in these systems that resulted from Spanish interference and influence during the 16th and 17th centuries. The Spanish/Timucuan interaction sphere that is the focus of this study consists of the households in St. Augustine composed of Spanish men and native women. This common social alliance, the mestizaje process, incorporated the native women into the Spanish domestic sphere, ultimately proving to be a successful adaptive strategy for both the women and the men.
ColonizationEssentially, the changes effected through colonization are a form of acculturation. However, I do not use "acculturation" to imply directional, forced culture changes on native lifeways (Etienne and Leacock 1980:6); I envision a dynamic process or continuum that takes place over a period of time. Since more than one culture is involved in the interactions and exchanges that are the milieu of acculturation, it is a process that affects both the colonizer and the colonized. Along these lines, Spaniards altered their traditions to suit the particular set of constraints that existed in colonial Florida, just as the native Floridians responded to the Spanish presence in a variety of ways (Deagan 1990b:240). The Spaniards altered their means for exploiting the region for profit, when they realized that mineral wealth, which was present in other colonies, was not available in Florida (Lyon 1990:283). The alternate strategy involved displacing the indigenous peoples, exploiting their labor and extracting surplus production. Evangelization, carried out through the mission system, was a powerful tool for controlling the natives' spiritual and social lives. Conversion to Catholicism was used to end intertribal warfare,
Page 96promote population aggregation, and legitimate the subordination of native to Spanish institutions (Etienne and Leacock 1980:18; Thomas 1990:373). Corvee labor, slavery, and demands of tribute increased the economic burdens for all Timucua, which, along with disease, resulted in a dramatic population decline (Deagan 1978:89; Thomas 1990:373). Cultural interference by the Spaniards occurred concurrently with epidemic diseases, undermining the native social system, and reducing their ability to resist Spanish domination (Deagan 1985b:291-293). Finally, after 150 years of colonization, Timucuan society was essentially wiped out (Deagan 1978:113).The replacement of native institutions by Spanish ones profoundly affected most aspects of native behavior, especially the social relations of production (Deagan 1985b:294). As colonization proceeded, native status systems and achievement markers were replaced by Spanish measures of social and economic class; the establishment of private property rights removed the tribal lands from Timucuan control, denying them access to the means of production, and consequently, the economic means to achieve Spanish forms of status (Etienne and Leacock 1980:16). Generally, Spanish status was dependent upon perceived "blood purity". Those of the highest status were Spanish born peninsulares, followed by their North American-born children (criollo); mestizos, born of Native American and Spanish parents, were much lower in status (Shepard 1983:65-66). Native Americans and blacks were accorded the low statuses, but ranked above slaves (Shepard 1983:65-66). Timucuan women could enhance their (and their families') status through formal or informal liaisons with Spanish men, the mestizaje process (Deagan 1973, 1974, 1985b:306). Mestizo children would be of higher status than a Timucuan mother, but no matter how successful economically, they could never attain quite the same status as even a poor criollo. The documentary records contain a wide variety of descriptions of Timucuan life, but are silent about many activities, which were not "seen" or deemed worth recording by the observers. Native women are less prominent in the ethnohistoric documents than native men. The male European chroniclers, predominantly interacted with native men, witnessing men's activities, in nearly all-male settings. Comparable detailed descriptions of women's activities, production, and rituals do not exist historically, and it is difficult to distinguish women's activities from men's archaeologically (e.g. Bolen 1988; Gero and Conkey 1991; and especially Tringham 1991). Some aspects of domestic life and household production are mentioned in the ethnohistoric accounts, but are not adequately described. For example, baskets, pottery, shell cups and stone tools are shown in various LeMoyne drawings (Lorant 1946), but no information is provided on the provenience of these items. How these items were acquired, whether through trade, domestic production, specialized craft production, or lineage based production organization, must be inferred. Archaeology provides what Deagan (1983:264) calls a "critical organizing baseline" for elucidating these issues. Defining the realm of women's production and detecting alterations in the organizational structure that accompanies productive strategies is not easy. The goal here is not to attempt to assign gender attributions to the various craft and productive activities (Gero and Conkey 1991:11), but to focus instead on gender as an important organizing construct in Timucuan production (Ortner and Whitehead 1981:1), and show how colonization altered the relations of production that were based on the complementary nature of women's and men's productive roles. I assume that the household is the basic unit of production and of social reproduction (Tringham 1991:101). A man and a woman form a household, performing their respective gender roles to fulfill the subsistence and material needs of the household, and the extra-household obligations.
The Timucua PeoplesIn addition to a long archaeological record, a French artist, Jacques Le Moyne, reportedly recorded many instances of everyday Timucua life in watercolors and drawings during the 1560s, providing invaluable evidence for their native lifeways (Lorant 1946). Additional ethnohistoric descriptions for Timucuan lifeways comes from various accounts by traders, travellers, clergy, and shipwreck victims, among others. The first Europeans encountered by the eastern Timucua groups were slave raiders, who periodically canvassed the coast throughout the early 16th century, capturing natives for the Caribbean
Page 97plantations (Merritt 1983:126). The first European settlement in Florida, Ft. Caroline, was established in the vicinity of St. Augustine in 1564, by the French (Deagan 1978:95). Extensive contact with the Spanish began in 1565, following the expulsion of the French from the area, when the settlement of St. Augustine was established (Deagan 1978:95).
Timucua LifewaysTimucua society was tribal in nature, organized in matrilineal, ranked clans (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:222). The head chief always came from the Deer clan; certain civic functions were always filled by members of specific clans. Subordinate villages had local chiefs, caciques, but paid tribute to the "great' or "head" cacique, (Deagan 1978:95). The tribute, surplus foods or cassina leaves, was stored in a granary in the head chief's village (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:222). Chiefs served as the focus of redistribution networks, and hosted periodic reciprocal feasts (Thomas 1990:364). Polygyny was practiced by the male chiefs and other male elites. Women were at times caciques, the position inherited from their mother's brother if a male heir was not available (e.g. Deagan 1974:12; 1978:103). The social system has been called "caste-like" because of the presence of the ranked clan system, and the existence of limited-access social institutions, i.e. polygyny (Deagan 1978:107). The Timucua had no concept of private property, and their system of land tenure, was probably related to lineage (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:226).Warfare was common; traditional enemies, other Timucuan tribes, were opponents in ritual-laden military activities. Curers, midwives, herbalists, and shamen, were ritually important public positions held by both men and women. Ritual use of tobacco and cassina (Ilex vomitoria, Aiton) were common in many situations. An infusion of parched cassina leaves, a highly caffeinated tea-like beverage, known as the black drink, was used both as a ritual beverage and as sign of friendship or alliance (Merrill 1979:45). Ballgames and footraces, ritualized contests, garnered status for the winner (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:222). Each village had a ballcourt in the central plaza near the council house, the forum for political meetings and rituals (Deagan 1985b:288). Many types of rituals were performed for specific occasions such as marriages, hunting, initiation and inauguration of new fish weirs or traps (Milanich and Sturtevant 1972). When cassina was used for ritual purposes, i.e. before going into battle, it was only drunk by high status men, although it was prepared by women (Hudson 1976:130; Lorant 1946:93). This situation parallels the use of cassina by the Creek, a confederacy of tribes from Georgia and Alabama with similar forms of social organization. Fairbanks (1979:138) sees the exclusion of women from the cassina ritual as an "identification of adult male status in a society otherwise strongly emphasizing female power and authority". This explanation fits the Timucuan case well, since women in Timucua society did wield power and authority, and did hold positions of ritual and spiritual importance.
SubsistenceThe Timucua region is a rich and varied environment in a humid, subtropical climate (Reitz and Scarry 1985:40). The St. Johns River basin provides easy access to the inland forests, and coastal estuaries and marshes are within a relatively short distance. The coastal lagoons, estuaries, and marshes are all extremely prolific, providing most of the dietary plant and animal resources exploited (Larson 1980:13). At the time of contact, the Timucua people were living a semi-sedentary lifestyle that had endured for nearly 1,000 years (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:157). Villages were occupied during the cultivation season. These villages were usually circular, possibly palisaded, with a wattle and daub thatched hut for each nuclear family (Deagan 1978:108). In the fall and winter, the villagers dispersed into smaller groups for specialized hunting and gathering, moving about to take advantage of localized resources, such as shellfish or nuts (Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:226). Single families or small groups of families (or extended families) usually made temporary shelters in the same area during the winter and fall. Archaeological evidence indicates that these small groups shared foodstuffs, especially deer, in a reciprocal manner (Larson 1980: 224).Agricultural products supplemented the diet, which consisted primarily of native plants, animals, fish and shellfish (Reitz and Scarry 1985:46; Scarry and Reitz 1990). Although there is little archaeological evidence for agriculture prior to European contact, the historic accounts vaguely allude to Timucuan farming practices (Larson 1980:209-210). The sandy, acidic soil of the region is well drained, with a natural fertility suitable for the swidden-type cultivation techniques likely employed by the Timucua (Reitz and Scarry 1985:40; Larson 1980:222). The long frost-free season allows two plantings of maize a year (Reitz and Scarry 1985:46), so it would not have been necessary to intensify agricultural production to maintain a quality diet. Maize, beans, pumpkins, squash, and possibly sunflower were cultivated (Scarry and Reitz 1990:347). Old fields were reused after extensive fallow, but
Page 98before they were reclaimed by the forest (Larson 1980:218-219).All of their cultigens were suitable for drying and/or long term storage. A wide variety of the available fruits, nuts, and acorns could be stored as well. Shellfish, meat, and fish were dried and smoked over fires, and stored in household granaries for winter use. (Lorant 1946:83; Milanich and Fairbanks 1980:219). Early springtime could be a critical period for food availability, so the storehouses were located near waterways for ease of access by canoe (Larson 1980:223; Lorant 1946:83). In terms of labor costs, the Timucua lived well on minimal effort. The strategy of seasonal relocation allowed small groups to intensively exploit remote areas during periods of potential resource scarcity. The diet was nutritionally adequate, utilizing a wide variety of foodstuffs. Storage of seasonal surpluses, both wild and cultivated, provided a measure of security.
Relations of ProductionThe deBry engravings of Le Moyne's drawings (Lorant 1946) show many activities (e.g. fishing, sowing, shellfishing, cooking) which were done by both men and women. Men are depicted hunting with bow and arrows using decoys (Lorant 1946: 85), and clubs (Lorant 1946: 87). Fishweirs and traps were important means for collecting fish, but their use does not seem to be relegated to one sex or the other (Lorant 1946:41). Men are shown smoking game and fish on racks over a fire (Lorant 1946:83). The incident LeMoyne described where men were cooking, is probably an example of a reciprocal feast; the caption is: "There is a time of the year when the natives feast each other. For this purpose they choose special cooks" (Lorant 1946:91, emphasis added). This may imply that male cooks were not the norm. Men are shown preparing the agricultural fields and the women sowing the crops (Lorant 1946:77). Food gathering seems to have been shared by men and women. It is probable that a sexual division of labor was applied to the collection of certain resources, but this topic has not been the focus of sustained research.Household production was probably divided along gender lines; a man/woman union fulfilled their respective gender related roles to materially provision a household. Cases where native widowed men were forbidden to marry available women (by the Catholic authorities) because of perceived "incest" (e.g. marriage to a sister-in-law) show great hardships (Hawkins 1990). Without a complementary woman partner, one man claimed that "he would die of hunger without someone to prepare his meal as would his children if he could not bring them food and fuel" (i.e. if he died) (Hawkins 1990:469). A balance in productive efforts was maintained by the husband-wife team, following established gender roles. LeMoyne and other early visitors to the Timucua described "berdaches", male transvestites and/or "hermaphrodites" that dressed as women and had very specific tasks (Lorant 1946:69,81). Not uncommon, berdaches were general "beasts of burden, since they are strong" (Lorant 1946:69); they carried the dead to the burial grounds on stretchers using tumplines, and some may have been curers or herbalists. Berdaches were also responsible for taking the produce and dried foodstuffs to the storehouse (Lorant 1946:81). The berdaches were between genders; although most were probably males physiologically, they transcended the gender roles of both men and women (Whitehead 1981). Berdaches were not necessarily homosexual, although male and female homosexuality (or bisexuality) was not uncommon (Milanich and Sturtevant 1972). The assimilation of aspects of both men's and women's gender roles and productive activities, as well as particular chores that only they performed, indicates that berdaches occupied a specific status niche within the community, where they were held in esteem (Hauser 1990:53). LeMoyne noted some, but not all, male and female Timucuan's displaying elaborate tattoos on their bodies (Lorant 1946). Tattoos are common throughout the Southeast, usually limited to adults who have achieved a sufficiently elevated rank (Hudson 1976:203). Women acquired status through mechanisms similar to those used by men, and tattoos served as a public display of their rank as well (Hauser 1990:54). Unfortunately, my survey of the ethnohistoric record has not revealed the division of labor regarding specific crafts; the realm of material culture production is only vaguely discussed. I am not surprised that the the male Spanish and French diarists mostly recorded men's activities. Women's contributions were probably presumed to be peripheral to the warfare/hunting/political activities of the males, the focus of many of the descriptions. I assume that women's productive activities included craft production. Indirect evidence for women's production of ceramics is provided by the association of aboriginal pottery types with St. Augustine households that incorporated native women into the domestic activities (Deagan 1983: 240, 242). SummaryBefore native ways were altered through contact with Europeans, Timucuan women held prominent
Page 99positions in their society. They had access to formal political and ritual power. The matrilineal social organization and method of reckoning chiefly succession formed a stabilizing force in the community. Clan knowledge was transmitted through the generations; some of the transmission would have been from mother, or mother's sister to child, along a matrilineage. Households were the primary unit of production, and women made important contributions to the economic subsistence base, complementing men's subsistence contributions. Most likely, women gained personal, publicly recognized status, through their productive activities, just as the men gained (some) status through warfare or hunting. Considerable amounts of materials were probably produced by women. The traditional Timucuan household comprised a husband and wife producing for themselves, their children, and to meet their social obligations - reciprocal gifts and tribute.
Colonization and AcculturationSurviving in the New World was not an easy task for the Spanish soldier-colonizers. The environmental conditions in Florida were unsuitable for the characteristic plant and animal foods that the Spaniards depended upon, and the situados, shipments of supplies provided by the Spanish government for sale in the colony, were unreliable (Reitz and Scarry 1985:47). Spanish survival required adopting native subsistence practices in place of ecologically unsuitable Iberian practices (Reitz and Scarry 1985:92; Scarry and Reitz 1990). The establishment of bicultural households, through marriage, concubinage and servitude of Timucuan women (and women from other tribes as well), served to incorporate native knowledge and production directly into the Spanish domestic sphere (Deagan 1985b:289). Ironically, the process of mestizaje, miscegenation, served to keep alive many native traditions which were handed down from mother to daughter (Deagan 1973:58). Eventually, a hybrid, creole culture was the result of these interactions; the domestic/subsistence sphere was dominated by native ways (female), and the public sector was dominated by Spanish (male) traditions (Deagan 1973:63; 1974; 1985b:305). The evidence for cultural continuity of some Native American institutions is not surprising when other studies on the effects of colonization on women's production are considered. Etienne and Leacock (1980) bring together a series of studies focusing on the effects of colonization on the relations of production. These cross-cultural examples demonstrate how shifts in gender relations result in the loss of status, power, autonomy, and rights of women, due to imposition of the often male-dominated cultural institutions of the colonizers-- the Spaniards for example (Etienne and Leacock 1980; Silverblatt 1980:160-161). Women's work is often devalued, or in cases where it is economically important or valuable, the production is transferred to the men (Nash 1980:136). However, women are not passive victims in the face of colonization. Various methods of female resistance such as subversion, self-exile, collective struggle, defiance, economic competition, and compromise, often proved successful in gaining at least a temporary advantage, reaffirming the individual's ability to influence her destiny, and reducing the loss of personal power (Etienne and Leacock 1980:17; Sweet and Nash 1981). The Spanish ideal of economically dependent women was transplanted to Florida and was the focus of the transformation of production relations. The "colonizers addressed their demands and their technical innovations to men" (Etienne and Leacock 1980:19), excluding women from economic relationships which were formerly their prerogative. The patriarchal Spanish colonial system attempted to divorce women's domestic production from the public, social, ritual and "economic", spheres of activity, which are male dominated in traditional Spanish society (Deagan 1985b:305; Nash 1985:144). While in some ways the subjugation of women was successful in Florida, native women continued to effect cultural continuity, through social reproduction. For example, women taught their mestizo children Timucuan ceramic technology and subsistence practices. The process of social reproduction significantly influenced the course of Spanish-native relations and the form of the evolving hybrid "Hispanic" culture (Deagan 1983:271; 1985a). A significant portion of the population of St. Augustine was mestizo by the end of the first Spanish period, and
Page 100they owned about 20% of the house lots within the town walls in 1763 (Deagan 1983:103).
Social ChangesDuring the earliest period of settlement, until about 1600, the missions were the most widespread forum for interaction between the Timucua and the Spaniards. Women however, were being incorporated into town life through marriage or concubinage to the Spanish soldiers, for there were very few Spanish women present in Florida (Deagan 1973, 1974, 1983:103). Through time, the missions became more important as an intermediary between the secular demands of the Spanish bureaucracy, and the natives who were required to pay tribute, taxes, and labor (Thomas 1990:387-389).Early on, the power of the caciques was recognized as a key to peaceful relations with the Indians. If the caciques could be converted to Christianity, then the masses would follow (sic). The native clan hierarchies were incorporated into the structure of the power relations by the Spaniards, being similar to their own hierarchical status system (Deagan 1985b:299). Once the natives were baptized, they were subject to fulfilling their religious obligations, following the established doctrines. The 1613 Confesionario, written in Timucuan and Spanish, is a series of questions meant to be addressed to natives during confession, to test their practice of Catholicism as it was then defined (Milanich and Sturtevant 1972). The questions were based on observed behaviors that were considered sinful, e.g. abortion, geophagy, belief in magic, rituals, omens, polygyny, adultery, pre-marital sex, animal sacrifice, and so on. From the inside out, the Church was instrumental in changing Timucuan ways, initially those concerned with ritual beliefs and behavior. The social and subsistence systems took longer to become "acculturated". The matrilineal descent system of the Timucuans confused and troubled the Spaniards, and they gradually enforced patrilineal reckoning in place of "infidel inheritance patterns" (Deagan 1978:103). After the first generation of native children grew up Catholic, they began to alter their inheritance pattern to conform with the "holy father-to-son" model (Deagan 1974:12). Women however, were still chosen cacique despite the initial change. Overt resistance was sporadic but did occur; the 1597 Guale uprising, in southeastern Georgia, was a backlash against Spanish interference in traditional inheritance patterns (Deagan 1978:103). The process of mestizaje started from the first contact between Spaniards and Indians. Marriage between cacique's daughters and important Spaniards was looked upon as a method of pacification of the chiefs (Deagan 1990b:229-230). Obviously, the Spaniards did not yet understand the matrilineal descent system; the Spaniard thought that marrying a chief's daughter he would be aligned with the chief. Instead, he was marrying into the daughter's mother's lineage, a clan of a different status. However, as the soldiers stationed in St. Augustine took Indian wives, mestizaje increasingly influenced Spanish lifeways. The practice grew through time, along with city's population, and as the mestizos themselves began to set up households. Archaeological evidence from mestizo, criollo, Spanish and native deposits demonstrates that there were material differences between households of each status. The criollo households had the fewest aboriginal ceramics and food remains, adhering to Spanish ways as much as possible (Deagan 1983; Reitz and Scarry 1985). The mestizo and bicultural households were dominated by aboriginal ceramics used for food preparation, and non-aboriginal ceramics used for serving, as well as a high proportion of aboriginal-type subsistence remains (Deagan 1983; Merritt 1983). The bicultural household was dominated by Spanish architectural elements, and military objects. Mestizo households had fewer goods of Hispanic origin than either the bicultural or criollo households (Deagan 1983:124). "This pattern of incorporation of native traits in non-socially visible areas, particularly women's activities, coupled with the maintenance of Spanish social identification in socially visible areas, has been documented as highly characteristic of the Spaniard's early colonial adaptive strategy" (Deagan 1990a:308), both in Florida and the Caribbean.
Conclusions
Page 101structures, cultural information about the making ... of pots continued ... unaltered for over 200 years" (Deagan 1990a:308). This transmission demonstrates the resiliency and adaptiveness of both the Spaniards and the native women; the women effected (some) cultural continuity within a limited sphere of power, while the Spaniards needed the women's contributions for survival.Colonization served to change the mode of production, the traditional relations of production, and the products as well. These changes profoundly affected Timucuan society, which was in a downward spiral due to population attrition. Neither male nor female productive activities were spared from the pervasive effects of Spanish colonial policies.
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